Megaphone diplomacy
Khurshid’s fulmination is intriguing. What is at stake is not a foreign policy issue but only the GMR Group’s chance to make profits.
To crack a nut with a sledgehammer remains an option. The first occurrence that option to human ingenuity can be traced to 15th century England.
But the problem
with that medieval option is three-fold: it looks horribly clumsy today; it is
wasteful; and, most important, it misses the target more often than not, since
the powdery delicious nut and the crushed shell inevitably leave a bitter
aftertaste.
New Delhi’s handling of the decision by Maldives government to cancel the
contract with the GMR Group to develop and run Male International Airport is
appalling.
True, GMR Group
is a powerful Indian business conglomerate and the crème la crème of the Indian
political elites will come under immense psychological pressure to be seen
reacting forcefully when the company’s interests in Male are challenged.
Prima facie, there is indeed something arbitrary about the Maldivian decision to
boot out GMR.
But any truth
digger would come across the startling templates of this row. For example, what
is at stake here is the GMR’s investment of some Rs 126 crore in Male (via its
subsidiary), which is a mere 1.4% of its consolidated shareholders’ funds and
1.7% of its market capitalization. Even if Maldives retracts from its assurance
to compensate GMR, the Indian company won’t go bust.
So, why such adrenalin flow to hold on to the Male project? It’s a milk cow,
Stupid! The Male airport holds the potential to contribute about Rs150 crore in
annual profits for the company in the coming two-year period alone.
Now, multiply
that figure by 25 or 35 – the lease is for 25 years and extendable by another 10
years – and one gets an impressive figure.
But the catch is that because of a court ruling Maldives can no longer permit
GMR to collect an airport development fee from passengers. And the agreement
stipulates that Maldives should offset the anticipated revenue loss for GMR.
Which, of
course, works out to an astronomical amount of hundreds of millions of dollars
through the 25-year lease period. Thus, instead of generating revenue, GMR’s
Male project has become an albatross round the Maldivian neck. It has since
sought the abrogation of the agreement with an offer to compensate GMR for its
investments so far.
From a commercial angle, it may seem deceptively simple to resolve the tangle.
But politics has crept in. New Delhi has made this a ‘prestige issue’ and to
teach the present government in Male a thing or two about the bitter harvest of
offending GMR.
However, several salients are struggling to surface. To be sure, the alacrity
with which external affairs minister Salman Khurshid waded into the GMR row is
rather intriguing, since what is at stake here is the Indian company’s potential
to make windfall profits in the Male economy that is at stake here rather than
India’s foreign policy.
Order to retaliate
Second, Khurshid has ordered the South Block to ‘retaliate’ – by suspending
India’s aid programme in Maldives worth the princely sum of $ 25 million!
Surely, South Block diplomats must be having a macabre sense of humour to think
Maldives would get frightened. President Mohammed Waheed would say, “Thank you,
MrKhurshid, keep the change in your pocket.”
The point is, Maldives will engage another foreign party to replace GMR and the
caravan will move on. It is venturing into the ‘unknown unknown’ and there is
always a swagger about such moments. The United States is the rising star in
Maldives.
The Pentagon is desperate to gain control of the fabulous military base in the islands of Addu Atoll – known as Royal Air Force Station Gan – which Britain (foolishly) vacated in 1975 as the last leg of its pullout as an imperial power from the east of Suez.
The Gan is located right in the middle of the Indian Ocean
between Diego Garcia and Singapore and in the ‘great game’ India looming
ahead in the region, its possession enables the US to be the perfect
balancer between China and India. (This is the thrust of Robert Kaplan’s
recent book Monsoon.) Simply put, Waheed comprehends that if the US
assistant secretary of state Robert Blake is a frequent flyer between
Washington and Male, it is for good reason.
These are facts of life and our ill-conceived hubris in preparing a road map
for Maldives to become a truly liberal democracy stands exposed.
India lives in a tough neighborhood, but there are no al-Qaeda guys lurking
behind the coconut trees in the Maldivian atolls. India can’t do much about
the rise of Islamism in Maldives, which is a phenomenon in evidence in the
Muslim countries, and it is not to be confused with the al-Qaeda affiliates.
A clean slate approach is needed. One, India should grasp the virtues of
low-key diplomacy from Blake. At any rate, do not compound the trust deficit
by resorting to bullying. Two, be clear-headed about the strategic
objectives. India and the US’s interests in the region may grate against
each other – just as they do over David Headley and TahawwurRana. Three, the
GMR row can be viewed as a commercial dispute.
Four, preserve whatever little leverage still exists to influence this
impoverished country of 3 lakh islanders for whom India is and shall ever
remain a Big Brother (who owns good hospitals, schools and shopping malls in
Thiruvananthapuram). Finally, shelve this on-again-off-again democracy
project in Male – even as pressure tactic.
(The writer is a former ambassador)